Closed-Source Systems Essay

There are several differences and similarities when discussing open and closed source software or systems. Some operating systems that are currently in operating are closed source and some of them are open source. Both closed and open source software / systems have their place in the technical world. It is difficult to say which of these types is better, because it will usually be based on numerous factors. Possible factors could be cost, convenience, flexibility, maintenance, and accessibility. The comparison will always be made when discussing open and open closed source software / systems, but it will always be a person-to-person situation based on necessity. Closed Source Software / Systems Closed source software is defined as software that contains a hidden source code or a non-visible source code. It is usually developed by a single person or a company. Once a final copy of the closed source software is developed and completed, it is sold to the public. This final copy is what end-users will find available to them. According to (Grant, 2004), â€Å"Closed source software is normally copyrighted or patented and is legally protected as intellectual property. † He also mentions that legally, â€Å"A user cannot give it away, copy it, or modify it in any way unless the user has a special license or permission to do it† (Grant, 2004). There are incentives for producing closed source software. It can be sold by the developers and it is intangible. What is meant here is, the developers or company that produced it can replicate it numerous times over. In order for companies to make a profit the software is generally rushed out the door. When this happens, the software can have issues in terms of functionality, maintenance, and support. Due to these issues, the producing companies are the only ones with the authority to produce patches to fix problems. Ultimately, after a patch is made the responsibility will rely on the end user to apply it and resolve the problem. This is where a security issue is involved. Grant mentions in his article, â€Å"Users have a poor record for applying patches resulting in thousands of computers around the world being left vulnerable every time a flaw is discovered† (Grant, 2004). Cost is a major factor with open and closed source software / systems. Closed source types generally cost more and this is due to licensing, patents, copyrights, registration, and manufacturer or company name. Maintenance, updates, and support are basic complimentary features when buying a closed source type. An example of a closed source software / system is Microsoft’s Windows and Office. Open Source Software / Systems As previously mentioned, closed source software / systems have their source code â€Å"hidden† from the public. Open source software / systems have their source code â€Å"visible† to the public. The same type of developers who create closed source software can create open source software. Grant states, â€Å"The reasons for writing open source software range from those who have a passion for computing and who want to contribute to make a difference, to those who do not like having to rely on any single company to produce what is needed† (Grant, 2004). Open source software / systems and the authors who create them are legally protected by the General Public License, or GPL. Since it is published under the GPL, users can use it for free and give it to as many people as they want to as long as they do not pretend they wrote it. According to Grant, â€Å"Users can make changes to open source software as long as what was modified is availably known to the public (Grant, 2004). That is one aspect that makes open source software / systems so grand, is that users can change the source code. This continues to the next aspect, which is; updates, patches and/or fixes. Users, or the public, can apply these factors straight to the open source software which is unlike closed source types. One of the downsides to open source software / systems is there is no warranty. If the software malfunction or does not perform well the users will have no recourse. Some other factors that Grant mentions with open source software / systems are, â€Å"There is no guarantee of good documentation or support, (Grant, 2004)† which is different than closed source types. Obviously, cost will always be an issue. Open source is free! Closed source is not. On the record, open source software packages have had better security that closed source types. A couple examples of open source type software / systems are; Linux and Open Office. Summary Overall, there are no perfect software / systems in the world. Some people might say that closed source software is for novice users and open source software is more for an advanced user base. Both types have a place in the technical world and serve a purpose. Their differences in maintenance, cost, functionality, support, flexibility, and availability will only make a difference in a person to person scenario. It can also come down to convenience and personal preference. Closed source and open source software / systems might have their differences, but where one might outweigh the other they tend to maintain a certain balance.

Definition of Middle Income Trap Essay

As the name implies, the middle income trap is an economic development situation, where a country which attains a certain income (due to given advantages) will get stuck at that level. Part of this concept was firstly discussed in the 2006 World Bank report ‘Equity and development’ as the ‘inequity trap’. But this report does not state very clearly on the definitions, classifications and measures to avoid it, etc. Then in the famous 2007 World Bank report ‘An east Asian Renaissance’, this economic phenomenon was officially addressed. According to the latest definition of The International Monetary Fund in 2013, the ‘middle-income trap’ is the phenomenon of hitherto rapidly growing economies stagnating at middle-income levels and failing to graduate into the ranks of high-income countries (2013 The International Monetary Fund Working Paper: Growth Slowdowns and the Middle Income Trap). From the publications and journal articles, it seems there has not been universal and very concrete understanding on the details of this issue yet. For example, different researchers and even different journalist may have different classifications on it based on various standards. However, the principles applied are similar. The most recent World Bank classification with data for 2010 is as following: a country is classified as low-income if its GNI (Gross National Income) per capita is US$1,005 or less, lower-middle-income if its GNI per capita lies between US$1,006 and US$3,975, upper-middle-income if its GNI per capita lies between US$3,976 and US$12,275, and high income if its GNI per capita is US$12,276 or above. This classification was also used by The International Monetary Fund in its working paper in 2013: Growth Slowdowns and the Middle Income Trap. After the International Monetary Fund applies this classification to its sample of 138 countries in 2010, the result yields 24 low-income countries, 36 lower middleincome countries, 33 upper middle-income countries, and 45 high-income countries (2013 The International Monetary Fund Working Paper: Growth Slowdowns and the Middle Income Trap). It’s very clear that most of the countries are still in the situation of low income or middle income. In addition, middle income  countries are much more than low income countries, which ensure us that it is make sense to pay more attention to the countries in the middle income situation. In recent years the world turned to recognize the existence of a Middle Income Trap. The term Middle Income Trap is by now also being widely used in economic literature as well as businessoriented media. The Middle Income Trap occurs when the growth of an economy slows and eventually flattens after it reaches a middle income level. The problem usually arises when developing countries ï ¬ nd themselves stuck in between high and low income levels. On the one hand, with rising wages, middle income countries are less competitive compared to lessdeveloped, low-wage countries in terms of the cheap production of manufactured goods. On the other hand, they are unable to compete with developed cou ntries in terms of high-skill innovations. As the Asian Development Bank describes, these countries cannot â€Å"compete with low-income, low-wage economies in manufacturing† and similarly are disadvantaged against advanced economies in high-skill innovations†. In another word, these countries cannot continue to compete on cost for cheap goods, and they cannot yet compete on quality for more sophisticated items. Let us have a deeper look at this economic phenomenon. When low-income countries first begin to take off, they often do take the advantage of a low-wage. This allows the country’s manufacturers to offer competitive prices on the global market, since they have a lower cost base. However, as economic growth rates and productivity rise quickly, rapid wage increases tend to follow. Thus the trap is generally characterized by the fact that rising wages eventually begin to eat into the competitiveness that low-base wages originally offered. Once economies get closer to the development frontier, the growth model will become more complex. It is increasingly determined by innovation, investment in more sophisticated technologies and through the raising of the level and quality of education, notably secondary and higher education of the potential labor force. Among these factors, it must be noted that education dose matter. In addition, the second education is more important than the ge neral education. Lower level of education in the majority of the labor force definitely leads to insufficient qualified  workers. The risks of falling into the Middle Income Trap have increasingly become a focus of discussions in terms of the long-term economic and social development of developing economies. These risks, and how to minimize them, are being discussed at the highest levels of policy making in some of the fast growing emerging economies, even while these countries may still be sources of envy to the rest of the world, such as China, Russia and India. Countries in the trap and how to avoid the middle income trap As we mentioned above, due to a variety of factors, many countries risk getting stuck in this trap. According to the International Monetary Fund, most notably, several Latin American economies, at least until recently, would seem to belong in this category, having failed to achieve highincome levels despite attaining middle-income status several decades ago (2013 The International Monetary Fund Working Paper: Growth Slowdowns and the Middle-Income Trap). Actually it has been well accepted that countries across Latin America as well as the several Middle East economies saw catch-up growth in the 1960s and 1970s but then they hit an invisible ceiling and have mostly stuck in the â€Å"middle income trap† ever since, with per capita incomes far behind the rare â€Å"break-out† countries. Most of the evidence on the middle-income trap comes from these economies of Latin America and the Middle East. These are regions abundant in land and natural resources. They have had growth during commodity booms, often followed by growth crashes when commodity prices drop sharply. In Eva Paus’s article about the Latin America’s middle-income trap, she points out that the accumulation of technological capabilities is at the heart of the development process. Technological capabilities refer to the resources and organizational abilities needed to generate and manage technological change. In a changing national and global context, accumulation those capabilities is the key to sustained productivity growth and high-end economic development. She also mentioned Policymakers should promote entrepreneurship and innovation to begin reaping the benefits of information networks and skilled labor before the gains from cheap labor and knowledge  spillovers are exhausted. Nowadays people are more studying on Asian countries with more both low income and middle income countries. Through the evidence from countries already stuck in middle income trap and the current research in Asia, people could not only forecast the future in terms of economic development, but also make the policy maker to develop the suitable measures to avoid the trap. We could take a look at the middle-income Asian economies for our further investigation. There are eight countries that stand out in East and South Asia: the ASEAN-5 (Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines and Vietnam), China, India and Sri Lanka. But they are at very different levels of development. They could be divided into ‘high middle-income’ and ‘low middleincome’ groups. Malaysia is at the top of the high middle-income group. Indonesia, Philippines, Vietnam, India and Sri Lanka are in the low middle-income group. China and Thailand are roughly in the middle. As we will discuss China in every detail later, let us take Indonesia as an example. According to the Asian Development Bank, Indonesia could be the case of the country in the middle-income trap. It became a middle-income economy in 2003. It actually attained middle-income status in 1993, but fell back after the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis. It took six years to jump back to the middle income level. Now it needs to battle the â€Å"middle-income trap†. Indonesia is not unique to this problem. Regardless the different external international economic environment, many middle-income countries are without a viable high-growth strategy. They are faced with new challenges, including social cohesion, a large pool of young people in search of jobs, as well as millions who still live in misery and poverty. Typically, countries trapped at middle-income level have: (1) low investment ratios; (2) slow manufacturing growth; (3) limited industrial diversification; and (4) poor labor market conditions. The Asian Development Bank in its 2011 report ‘Asia 2050: Realizing the Asian Century’ raised the question that considering that the region has to face up to the daunting  opportunity that lies before it, how many countries will meet this challenge? The answer is still unclear. Given this reality and uncertainties about the future the report postulates two quantitative scenarios with very different outcomes. Most of the discussion in the report is based on the optimistic Asian Century scenario. This scenario assumes that the 11 economies (Armenia; Azerbaijan; Cambodia; P.R.China; Georgia; India; Indonesia; Kazakhstan; Malaysia; Thailand; and Viet Nam) with a demonstrated record of sustained convergence to best global practice over the past 30 years or so continue this trend over the next 40 years and that a number of modest-growth aspiring economies will become convergers by 2020. In this scenario, Asia will take its place among the ranks of the affluent on  par with those in Europe today; some3 billion additional Asians will become affluent by 2050. This is the desired or ideal scenario for Asia as a whole.  The Middle Income Trap scenario assumes that these fast-growing converging economies fall into that trap in the next 5 – 10 years, without any of the slow- or modest-growth aspiring economies improving their record; in other words, Asia follows the pattern of Latin Ameri ca over the past 30 years. This is the pessimistic scenario and could be taken as a wake-up call to Asian leaders. According to this report by the Asian Development Bank, there will be a huge difference in the outcomes of the two scenarios. The economic and social costs of missing the Asian Century are staggering. If today’s fast-growing converging economies become mired in the Middle Income Trap, Asia’s GDP in 2050 would reach only $65 trillion, not $174 trillion (at market exchange rates). GDP per capita would be only $20,600, not $40,800 (PPP). Such an outcome would deprive billions of Asians of a lifetime of affluence and well-being. The possibility of a â€Å"perfect storm† cannot be ruled out in thinking about Asia through 2050. A combination of bad macro policies, finance sector exuberance with lax supervision, conflict, climate change, natural disasters, changing demography, and weak governance could jeopardize Asian growth. In this worst case scenario, Asia could stumble into a  financial meltdown, major conflict, or region wide chaos well before 2050. It is impossible to quantify this scenario, but Asia’s leaders must be aware of the potential for such a catastrophe and avoid it at all costs. By contrast, several East Asian economies have in recent decades provided a template for success to get out of the trap and continue to grow rapidly after attaining middle-income status, and thereby attaining per capita income levels comparable to advanced countries (2013 the International Monetary Fund Working Paper: Growth Slowdowns and the Middle-Income Trap). So far, five Asian countries or regions have successfully escaped the middle-income trap, which are Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. What do we need to do to follow them? There is no uniform policy solution for avoiding the middle-income trap. South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore have made the transition to advanced ec onomies. As noted by the Economist 2013, even still little is known about why so few countries succeed in making the transition from middle-income to high-income status, however, it’s clear that their paths were different but they shared a willingness and ability to change course. To better understand this question ‘How did these east Asian countries escape the middle income trap’ and find the answer, it will be very useful for us to go back to the World Bank’s landmark report â€Å"The East Asian Miracle†, which was published in 1993. It has analyzed the catch-up growth of the several East Asian Tigers, and some of its conclusions are relevant to the middleincome trap. Its foremost conclusion was that it is vital to ‘get the basics right’: macroeconomic stability, relatively low distortions to domestic competition, openness to external trade, flexible labor markets, and investment in hard infrastructure as well as education. On the other hand, w e could analyze both low-income Asian countries and high-income Asian countries to further evaluate the situation in middle-income Asian economies which include China. For low income Asian countries like Cambodia, Nepal, etc., to get the basics right must still be the top – we may even include the less developed states in China and India. These countries and regions should be in the business of catch-up growth, which comes from maximum mobilization of capital and labor inputs, and large productivity gains from efficient resource reallocation. This is what Prof. Paul Krugman calls growth through ‘perspiration’. At the  other extreme, for high income Asian economies, from Japan down to Singapore, has to rely on ‘output-led,’ productivity- and innovation-based growth. This is what Prof. Paul Krugman calls growth through ‘inspiration’. To get the basics right is still important – note that Japan is hurtling in the opposite direction with wildly profligate fiscal and monetary policies. But this has to be complemented with more sophisticated structural and institutional reforms. These â€Å"second generation† reforms (sophisticated structural and institutional reforms) have to go beyond liberalization of product markets to encompass deregulation of factor markets (for land, labor and capital). They must also include opening up of services sectors, upgrading â€Å"soft infrastructure†, and improving the quality of public administration, regulatory agencies and judicial systems. Among them, being part of â€Å"soft infrastructure†, higher education and skills are of the most important factors. So what about middle income countries â€Å"in between†? They need a mix of getting the basics right and second generation reforms. But the balance should differ as between high middle income and low middle income countries. For example, high middle-income countries need to crack on with structural and institutional reforms for productivity-based growth. This also applies to China (especially its coastal provinces). Moreover, in a recent report of International Monetary Fund, economists suggest four ways to avoid that: 1. Invest in infrastructure. The International Monetary Fund analysis suggests that subpar infrastructure is a key factor that can check an emerging economy’s growth. India, the Philippines and Thailand are particularly exposed in this area and should focus on building new and upgrading existing public transit systems, freight channels, ports and energy infrastructure. 2. Guard against excessive capital inflows. Money flows from abroad can energize an economy and give domestic consumption a boost, but can send an economy south if investors retreat in a hurry. Policy makers should have macro-prudential controls in place to mitigate potential rapid outflows, according to the International Monetary Fund. 3. Boost spending on research and development and post-secondary education. Both are needed to foster the innovation that’s a hallmark of advanced economies. According to the International Monetary Fund data, Malaysia and Thailand have the highest college enrollment rates among emerging Asian countries. However, China is rapidly catching up. China far outstrips other developing Asian countries on R&D, with 2009 spending at more than 1.5% of GDP. 4. Get more women into the workforce and raise the retirement age. Aging population is a problem in a lot of Asian countries. Governments should take actions to reduce â€Å"dependency ratios† by raising the age when workers are eligible for pensions and encouraging girls to enter university and vocational training. Anyway, avoiding the Middle Income Trap entails identifying strategies to introduce new processes and find new markets to maintain export growth. Ramping up domestic demand is also important—an expanding middle class can use its increasing purchasing power to buy highquality, innovative products and help drive growth. The biggest challenge is moving from resource-driven growth that is dependent on cheap labor and capital to growth based on high productivity and innovation. This requires investments in infrastructure and education. As the several East Asian countries has proven, building a high-quality education system which encourages creativity and supports breakthroughs in science and technology is the key. As Asian countries have approached or are approaching the technological frontier, the role of education does matter a lot. Many Asian countries have noted for their commitment to improve the quality of their education, and already have some of the highest educational attainments in the world. Yet the fiscal and institutional challenges to lifting educational performance in the way that is needed to sustain economic growth is another thing altogether. The success or failure in that will be a major determinant of whether Asia fulfils the expectations of its long-term economic growth. Looking at China Many observers believe China’s amazing growth is nearing its limits. A joint report by the World Bank and China’s Development Research Centre has warned that the low-hanging fruit of statedriven industrialization is largely exhausted. According to this joint report, ‘If countries cannot increase  productivity through innovation, they find themselves trapped. China does not have to endure this fate’. This report emphasized that China has reached another turning point in its development path when a second strategic, and no less fundamental, shift is called for. For China, it can no longer rely on imported technology to keep up robust growth of averaging 9.9 percent since the economy was open in 1978. The report said China’s growth of economy will slow to 7 percent later this decade and even 5 percent by the late 2020s even if China does not perform deep reform. However, this report also point out, if everything goes smoothly, China will be a â€Å"high-income† economy by 2030 and perhaps as dominant as Britain in 1870 or the United States in 1945, or indeed as flourishing as the Qing Empire itself in 1820 before the onset of catastrophic decline. As Economists 2013 points out, for all problems of China, in the coming 10-15 years it is still likely to reach several symbolic milestones. The International Monetary Fund predicts that in 2016 it will become the world’s largest economy on a purchasing-power-parity basis. The Economist Intelligence Unit reckons that on the basis of market exchange rates China will attain that glory in 2020. By the end of this decade, according to Daiwa Securities, GDP per person in Shanghai, China’s richest city, could be almost the same as the average for America in 2009. Now, officials and experts discuss endlessly whether China is slowly heading towards a â€Å"middleincome trap†. According to Economists 2011, China was already a lower-middle-income country in 2010, with a GDP per person of around $4,400. The fear is that it might suffer the same stagnation and turbulence as Latin American economies in the 1980s and 1990s. Nevertheless, with trend GDP growth in China slowing to around 8% a year from as high as 11% previously, it’s no wonder economists are asking whether it and other fast-growing Asian economies will fall victim to the middle-income trap. Income inequality The relationship between equity and development was thoroughly illustrated in  the World Bank’s World Development Report 2006: Equity and development. According to this famous report, equity means that individuals should have equal opportunities to pursue a life of their choosing and be spared from extreme deprivation in outcomes. The main message is that equity is complementary, in some fundamental respects, to the pursuit of long-term prosperity. Institutions and policies that promote a level playing field— where all members of society have similar chances to become socially active, politically influential, and economically productive— contribute to sustainable growth and development. Greater equity is thus doubly good for poverty reduction: through potential beneficial effects on aggregate long-run development and through greater opportunities for poorer groups within any society. The complementarities between equity and prosperity arise for two broad sets of reasons. First, there are many market failures in developing countries, notably in the markets for credit, insurance, land, and human capital. As a result, resources may not flow where returns are highest. The inequality of education is taken as an example in this report. Some highly capable children from poor family may fail to complete basic education even primary schooling, while others, who are less able, may finish university. When markets are missing or imperfect, the distributions of wealth and power affect the allocation of investment opportunities. Correcting the market failures is the ideal response; where this is not feasible, or far too costly, some forms of redistribution— of access to services, assets, or political influence—can increase economic efficiency. From the World Bank’s perspective, the second set of reasons why equity and long-term prosperity can be complementary arises from the fact that high levels of economic and political inequality tend to lead to economic institutions and social arrangements that systematically favor the interests of those with more influence. Such inequitable governments can generate economic costs. When personal and property rights are enforced only selectively, when budgetary allocations benefit mainly the politically influential, and when the distribution of public services favors the wealthy, both middle and poorer groups end up with unexploited talent. Society, as a whole, is then likely  to be more inefficient and to miss out on opportunities for innovation and investment, which will accordingly have negative impact on the economic development. At the global level, when developing countries have little or no voice in global governance, the rules can be inappropriate and costly for poorer countries. These adverse effects of unequal opportunities and political power on development are all the more damaging because economic, political, and social inequalities tend to reproduce themselves over time and across generations. Such phenomena was named by the economists of the World Bank as ‘â€Å"inequality traps’, as we mentioned in the very beginning. Disadvantaged children from families at the bottom of the wealth distribution do not have the same opportunities as children from wealthier families to receive quality education, which really does matter for a qualified labor force in the future. So these disadvantaged children can expect to earn less as adults. At the same time, because the poor have less voice in the political process, they—like their parents—will be less able to influence spending decisions to improve public schools for their children. And the cycle of underachievement continues. This report documents the persistence of these inequality traps by highlighting the interaction between different forms of inequality. It presents evidence that the inequality of opportunity that arises is wasteful and inimical to sustainable development and poverty reduction. It also derives policy implications that center on the broad concept of leveling the playing field— both politically and economically and in the domestic and the global arenas. If the opportunities faced by children from the poor families are so much more limited than those faced by children from wealthier families, and if this hurts development progress in the aggregate, then public action has a legitimate role in seeking to broaden the opportunities of those who face the most limited choices. Furthermore, this World Bank report addresses three considerations which are  important at the outset. First, while more even playing fields are likely to lead to lower observed inequalities in educational attainment, health status, and incomes, the policy aim is not equality in outcomes. Indeed, even with genuine equality of opportunities, one would always expect to observe some differences in outcomes owing to differences in preferences, talents, effort, and luck. This is consistent with the important role of income differences in providing incentives to invest in education and physical capital, to work, and to take risks. Of course outcomes matter, but we are concerned with them mainly for their influence on absolute deprivation and their role in shaping opportunities. Second, a concern with equality of opportunity implies that public action should focus on the distributions of assets, economic opportunities, and political voice, rather than directly on inequality in incomes. Policies can contribute to the move from an â€Å"inequality trap† to a virtuous circle of equity and growth by leveling the playing field—through greater investment in the human resources of the poorest; greater and more equal access to public services and information; guarantees on property rights for all; and greater fairness in markets. But policies to level the economic playing field face big challenges. There is unequal capacity to influence the policy agenda: the interests of the disenfranchised may never be voiced or represented. And when policies challenge privileges, powerful groups may seek to block reforms. Thus, equitable policies are more likely to be successful when leveling the economic playing field is accompanied by similar efforts to level the domestic political playing field and introduce greater fairness in global governance. Third, there may be various short-run, policy-level tradeoffs between equity and efficiency. These are well recognized and extensively documented. The point is that the (often implicit) cost-benefit calculus that policymakers use to assess the merits of various policies too often ignores the long-term, hard-to-measure but real benefits of greater equity. Greater equity implies more efficient economic functioning, reduced conflict, greater trust, and better institutions, with dynamic benefits for investment  and growth. To the extent that such benefits are ignored, policymakers may end up choosing too little equity. As emphasized by the World Bank, income inequality is not all. However, as a lot of people believe, the greatest challenge ahead is still income inequality. All attempts will fail if this greatest challenge is not tackled. As state redistributive mechanisms have been weakened in the transition toward a market-oriented economy, China has turned into one of the most unequal countries in the world. Inequality, if not reduced, will be a huge barrier of future growth as it undermines consumption, constrains development in poorer regions, and generates social tensions. Income redistribution policies and social safety nets need to be strengthened to close the inequality gap, through increased budget support and improved government’s transfers to poorer provinces and households. In China, the gap between the rich and the poor and between cities and countryside has continued to widen. Since 2003, absolute poverty has dropped remarkably. But at the same time, the number of people in relative poverty (with 50% or less of the median income) grew from 12.2% of the population to 14.6% between 2002 and 2007, according to research by Terry Sicular of the University of Western Ontario and Li Shi and Luo Chuliang of Beijing Normal University. In addition, in 1981, at least 77 per cent of Chinese were in absolute poverty (that is, with family incomes below $1.25 a day). By 2008 this figure had fallen to 13 per cent. But, the bank notes, a far, far smaller group of people have been able to rise above $2 a day, and hundreds of millions appear stuck in this awkward space between the end of starvation and the beginning of actual comfort and hope. Wang Xiaolu, the economist of national economic institution of China reform foundation, thoroughly elaborated the inequality and economic development in China in his 2006 report. Wang mentioned in his report that before China’s economic reforms, the income gap between urban residents was quite small due to the unified wage policy. On the other hand, in rural areas, the income  gap within one region was relatively small. But there was a very large urban rural income gap, as well as significant differences between different regions. To demonstrate the income gap, let us take a look at China’s Gini coefficient. This index is a measurement of the income distribution of a country’s residents. The number, which ranges between 0 and 1 and is based on residents’ net income, helps define the gap between the rich and the poor, with 0 representing perfect equality and 1 representing perfect inequality. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, in 1980 when wa s the very early stage of the economic reforms, China’s Gini coefficient stood at 0.320, which is quite low and indicates a more equal distribution of wealth. After the rural reforms in the early 1980s, farmers’ income significantly increased which led to the reduction of the urban-rural income gap. The Gini coefficient once dropped to 0.257 in 1984, which meant China had been into the more equal income countries ranks of the world. However, in the subsequent period of China economic reforms, the income gap between urban and rural areas, different regions, and different social strata is rapidly expanding regardless the acceleration of economic growth, the rapidly increasing of per capita income. Until 2001, the Gini coefficient reached 0.447, ranking 88 in the world’s 120 countries and regions in the order from low to high. Most of the countries behind China are those in Latin America and Africa with intense social conflicts, of which a considerable part is in a long-term economic stagnation (data from the World Bank, 2004; World Institute for Development Economics, 2004). In recent yearly the situation might be worse. This index has been retreating gradually since hitting a peak of 0.491 in 2008, slight ly dropping to 0.49 in 2009, 0.481 in 2010 and 0.477 in 2011, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. Most recently, the Gini index reflecting the gap between rich and poor reached 0.474 in China in 2012, which is still higher than the warning level of 0.4 set by the United Nations. According to the data from the National Bureau of Statistics, in terms of the urban rural income gap in China, the urban per capita disposable income is 2.5 times of the rural per capita net income in 1980, 1.9 times in 1985 and 3.2 times in 2004. With the data mentioned above, if we use the average urban per capita income of each province to measure regional income gaps, we could find out that the figure of eastern regions is 1.3 times of that of western regions in 1980 and 1.5 times in 2004. The statistics are incomplete in terms of the income gap among different social strata, but the huge inequality is an indisputable fact. If we look at urban per capita income in 1985, the highest 10% of households in the income is 2.9 times of the lowest 10% of households in; while in 2004 the highest is 8.7 times of the lowest. If we look at rural per capita income in 1980, the highest 10% is about 7 times of the lowest 10% (rough estimate number), up to approximately 11 times in 2004 (rough estimate number). We should also take into account that household income and expenditure survey for the highest and the lowest income residents are more likely to be missed, as well as high income underreporting of cases. As a result, the actual income gap will be larger than the income gap based on surveys. More than likely the increasingly widen of income disparities between different classes has become the primary factor of income inequality. Growing gap in income distribution is seriously ch allenging the social justice, which easily leads to social instability and economic stagnation. In addition, we must pay great attention to the rich caused by corruption and other non- normal channels and the poor caused by unfair distribution of wealth (such as landless farmers and laid-off workers are not properly compensated, etc. ), which are the important reasons of the widening income gap and induction of social conflict. As we mentioned above, a lot of researchers and economists further noted that the distribution of income reversely has a very important impact to economic growth and severe income inequality will hinder economic growth (e.g. Galor and Zeira 1993and Bourguignon 2003). In a situation of economic stagnation, poverty and income inequality become more difficult to resolve, which turns to be an important reason of pushing many economies into Middle-Income Trap. In several studies of the World Bank in recent years, the economist point out that economic growth plays a decisive influence in reducing poverty, but its effect varies in different. Meanwhile, economic growth shows no significant role in reducing income gaps. In contrast, if the income gap is too large, it will indeed lead to frequent social conflict and accordingly directly affect economic growth. Therefore, for the eradication of poverty and reduction of the huge income gap, the economic growth is a necessary, but only economic growth is not enough (The World Bank reports, 2000, 2003 and 2004). In a research of Wang Xiaolu and Fan Gang in 2005, it was concluded that China’s urban residents’ income gap, rural residents’ income gap as well as the income gap between urban and rural areas have continued to widen with a clear trend, but data of their study does not confirm that the income gap will automatically have the tendency to shrink when per capita GDP reaches a certain level. If the income gap continues to expand, China’s Gini coefficient of income will soon break 0.5 (some articles have concluded that in fact it has exceeded 0.5), and China will become one of the world’s most unequal countries in terms of income. Generally, equality and efficiency may be alternative of each other. The increase of equality in the distribution of income will lead to a decline in economic efficiency, which in some cases exists. However, if several factors discussed below are adjusted, the economic efficiency will not be lost, and the wealth equality will c ontinue to be improved. First, social security is an important measure of reducing the income gap, as it can provide protection and assistance to residents to reduce their financial burden or increase their income when they are in the face of illness, unemployment, retirement and low income, etc. But this approach is constrained by the level of economic development. As Wang and Fan point out in their report, social security and transfer payments beyond the affordability will result in heavy social burden and negatively affect economic development, investment and employment initiative. At present, China’s pension insurance, basic pension insurance, unemployment insurance and minimum living security system are still running in a very low level, and only conditionally implemented in urban areas and a few rural areas. Fully implementing these social securities in all rural areas will go beyond the current financial affordability. Even in cities and towns, the current  social security system does not play an active role in reducing the income gap. On the contrary, it has the effect of widening the income gap between urban residents. This is mainly because this social security system is still with a considerable degree of coverage limitations, particularly in the low income people and the mobile labor force. More importantly, the population without coverage is precisely the low income population which is most in need of social protection by these insurance systems. On the other hand, high income residents benefit from these social security systems significantly higher than low income residents. According to a survey of the National Economic Research Institute, the Medicare reimbursement for medical expenses in low income urban residents is much lower than that in high income urban residents. Moreover, the proportion of Medicare reimbursement for the former is lower than the latter, while the proportion of self-paid medical expense in the expenditure for the former is significantly higher than the latter. Therefore, how to ensure the current social security systems to cover urban workers not in the social security system yet as soon as possible will be a critical issue to be addressed. At the same time, social security issues of rural residents need certainly also be placed on the agenda as soon as possible. Long-term difference in treatment between urban and rural residents is not fair. However, this issue needs a longer period of time to gradually resolve due to limited financial resources. A few wealthy rural regions have already established a unified social security system conditions. For residents of most rural areas, although the conditions of establishment of a comprehensive social security system are not mutual, some pressing issues still need to be prioritized to solve, such as the problem of farmers have no money to see a doctor. The new rural cooperative medical care system needs to be quickly spread. Experiences of some rural areas have demonstrated that cooperative medical care system is very effective to protect the low income population. On the other hand, according to international experience, financial transfer payment is also one of the main approaches to eliminate the income gap and regional disparity. As Wang Xiaolu points out in his report in 2006, in this regard in China, in addition to financial support for agriculture, pension  and social welfare and supporting underdeveloped regions expenditures, tax return from central government to local government as well as the construction investment of key projects in the less developed regions, in fact, have been performed financial transfer payment function. The total amount of financial transfer payment is quite large. However, some studies have found that financial transfer payment did not play a significant role in reducing income disparities and regional development gaps. In Wang’s opinion, this is mainly caused by the following reasons, First, the transfer payments are lacking of a rigorous and standardized system as well as standards of implementation. Hence the transfer payments’ strongly subjective profile makes their role in reducing income disparities and regional development gaps greatly reduced. Second, the transfer payments do not have clear objectives and their structures are not reasonable. The proportion of the transfer payments for general investment projects and government expenditures is too high while that for alleviating poverty and decreasing the bottle neck of development of backward areas (such as insufficient education and other public expenditure, weak infrastructure, etc. All of those are impediments to economic development) underfunded. It makes the transfer payments difficult to play a critical role in reducing the income gap. Third, there are no strict and effective measures to oversee the usage as well as the effect of transfer payments. For example, in some poor areas, the government poverty alleviation and disaster relief funds were frequently misappropriated to cover office buildings, luxury cars and government staff bonuses. Due to lack of management and supervision, some of the earmarks turned into waste, and provided the chances for some rent-seeking and  corrupt government officials. Therefore, for transfer payments, the main problems now seem not to be the quantity, but rather setting up clear objectives and rationalization of the system to regulate the management and to strengthen supervision. These measures will reduce the income gap. At the same time, they will not reduce economic efficiency, but improve efficiency, reduce corruption and promote development. In addition to social security system and financial transfer payments, education and infrastructure also play the similarly important role in the relationship of equality and economic efficiency. According to Wang’s research, many domestic and foreign literatures have pointed out that education plays a crucial role in the promotion of economic development; moreover, education to the whole population helps to reduce the income gap. In 2004 the National Economic Research Institute conducted a survey on the income of mobile labor force. Across the country, 3,000 randomly selected migrant workers and self-employed persons from rural areas were classified according to the average monthly income. The results are as following: for those not graduated from primary school the average monthly income is 769 yuan, for primary school graduated 815 yuan, for junior high school graduated 960 yuan, for high school graduated 1268 yuan, for college and above 1554 yuan. This very clearly illustrates the level of education greatly impacts on income levels. Obviously, improving education is a fundamental way to improve the employability and income levels of low income population. On one hand, currently there are hundreds of millions of rural labor force migrates into cities and towns to work. On the other hand, there are three hundred million people who are still engaged in agriculture, with wages of a small fraction of the average urban per capita. They are waiting to continue to transfer to cities. But most of them are facing low level of education, lack of vocational skills and oversupply in the labor market. Meanwhile, a lot of city workers returned to the status of poverty due to layoffs and unemployment. It’s very difficult for them to get reemployment because of the lack of professional skills. However, the labor market needs workers with a higher level of education and professional skills but has to facing  the reality of supply shortage. Therefore, in order to narrowing the income gap, it is very critical to enhance the popularity of primary and secondary education and expanding vocational education. In Wang’s research, he found out that China’s per capita level of education exhibits unexpected negative impact on urban residents income gap. Surprisingly, higher level of education led to a widening income gap. This is a strong signal that China’s education -age population is facing unequal educational opportunities, and educational opportunities for high income groups are significantly greater than the low income population. As a result, the per capita level of education increases, while the income gap has not narrowed. Instead, the income inequality is expanding. If we look at the popularization of compulsory nine years education in China, you will find in recent years, pupils’ dropout rate in rural areas was significantly higher than that in urban areas, with many dropout of school due to poverty situation in rural areas. This point can also be reflected from the allocation of education funds. Especially a few key universities get large amount of fund s, while a great number of rural primary and secondary education underfunded. Compared the situation in 2003 with that in 1999, the state financial allocations to universities increased by 40.4 billion yuan (in another word, increase 85%), while state financial allocations to ordinary primary and junior high schools increased by 52.5 billion yuan (increase 79%) and 49.8 billion yuan (increase of 65%), respectively. Although the situation has improved to various degrees, but this increase did not exceed the revenue and expenditure growth rate (90% and 87%). Even so, in 2003 the national average education budget per 420,000 primary schools is only less than 30 million, of which the budget allocation in rural schools is far less than that of urban schools. Some individual prestigious university obtained an education funding up to ten billion. Excessively unbalanced distribution of educational resources not only will exacerbate income inequality, but also is not helpful for efficient allocation of education resources. Another educational problem to be solved is how to correctly handle the relationship of general education and vocational education. Although in China currently there’re more than 4million people each year go into  colleges for education, but there are also more than 17 million people directly get employment without higher education. For the labor market, each year the number of demand for workers with the level of secondary education as well as specialized skills far exceeds in number of the demand for college graduates. However, the current dominant position of general secondary education is still basically to provide students into college In another word, the main objective of general secondary schools is the examination-oriented education and does not pay attention to skills training. The dominant ideology of the entire education system is to measure the success of education by entering the university or not. Four out of five school-age youth entered the labor market as the losers of their education. This reality has incalculable negative impact on workers’ skills, work ethic and healthy psychology, according to Wang’s report. At the same time, secondary vocational and other professional education live in a subordinate position in the education system, with very limited quantity. Compared the situation in 2003 with that in 1999, the state financial allocations to secondary vocational schools increased by 300 million yuan (an increase of 2.5%), and state financial allocations to technical schools decreased by 400 million yuan (down 16% )and vocational schools increased by 3 billion (an increase of 42% increase ). These increases are negligible compared to the funding’s growth of universities and ordinary primary and secondary. Such education dislocation makes the most of new entrants to the labor market is lacking of professional skills, and their low level knowledge on employment helps rather limited. In addition, local education and vocational education system’s exclusion for migrant workers and their children is also need to be carefully addressed. Like South Korea, China needs to focus on creating a highly qualified workforce so that they can increase innovation. South Korea adopted a policy to intensify investments in education and innovation in preparation for this. This policy aided South Korea in developing a plan for long term growth as opposed to short term consumption driven growth. Meanwhile, the World Bank has just released its detailed report: China 2030: Building a Modern, Harmonious, and Creative High-Income Society. In this report the World Bank believes that the export-led model that has delivered the past  30-years of growth and development in China has now run its course. From the World Bank’s perspective, China can only succeed in becoming a modern, high income country if it implements a six-step series of reforms. Not surprisingly, to increase innovation and to reduce inequality are among these six reforms as following, ï‚ · Accelerate the pace of innovation and create an open innovation system in which competitive pressures encourage Chinese firms to engage in product and process innovation not only through their own research and development but also by participating in global research and development networks. Essentially, the World Bank recommends that China seek to move away from being an imitator to an innovator in its own right. Reducing inequality by expanding opportunities and promoting social security for all by facilitating equal access to jobs, finance, quality social services, and portable social security. With regard to infrastructure construction in recent years, transportation, communication and other conditions as well as the urban landscape have significantly improved. But we should note the imbalance in the allocation of resources. In many areas, much more emphasis and attentions were put on the facade construction, highway construction and urban centers transformation than that on rural infrastructure in remote areas. On the one hand, highways are vacant or rarely used in some less developed regions. On the other hand, there are 173 towns and more than 50,000 administrative villages still inaccessible by road, the latter accounting for 8% of the total number of administrative villages across the whole country, according to Wang’s research. For these remote areas, the weak infrastructure is an important cause leading to poverty and backwardness. In summary, China’s development level is still at the low level. Hoping to rely on transfer payments to drastically eliminate the income gap is unrealistic. What the governments should focus on is to provide more equal opportunities and conditions in education, infrastructure and other areas. Investment in these  areas will provide human resources and infrastructure supply better meeting the social and market needs. By doing them, it is entirely possible to improve residents’ economic situation. China is facing the continually widen income gap. If this critical issue could be reasonably resolved, Chinese social justice, harmony and long term economic development will be able to be ensured. . Otherwise, China may turn into a society with huge income gap, serious social conflict, power and money collusion, corruption and plunder prevailed, which will eventually result in economic stagnation. Middle-income trap will be impossible to avoid in this case. As we mentioned above, there are several factors leading to the current expansion of the income gap or blocking reduction of the income gap. These factors include that social security system is not sound, the financial transfer payment system is with flaw, educational opportunities are not fair enough, the education system is not conducive to the promotion of employment, weak infrastructure in rural and backward areas, lack of job opportunities as well as the irrational distribution of resources and corruption and other social in equities due to the not perfect system. To resolve these issues, it’s urgent to perform further reform and development. The following most crucial problems need to be addressed: to solve the fairness of education, to solve the disjointed issues between educations, economic development as well as employment, to create more job opportunities through economic development and urbanization, to correct government’s action, eventually eliminates the problem of corruption and unfair distribution through administrative reform. Resolving these problems not only will not affect economic efficiency, but also will ensure the impartiality of Chinese social harmony, economic efficiency and long-term sustainable development.

Chemical Structures and Excipient Profile of Drugs

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Strengths and Weaknesses of Utilitarianism Essay Example for Free

Strengths and Weaknesses of Utilitarianism Essay The prominant criticism of Utilitarianism is that it is extremely hard to predict the results of an action. The outcomes of all situations are hard to predict, so how can we possibly apply the rule of the greatest happiness for the greatest number if we do not know who will benefit most? It is also difficult to decide whether an outcome is morally good or bad. People have contrasting opinions on what they think is right or wrong and it depends on the individual who is making the decision. This causes problems because a thing that is good to one person may at the same time be bad to another, One mans happiness is another mans pain. Without an absolute definition of happiness, it is hard to arrive at a right decision. Another problem of Utilitarianism is the concept of time. Is long term or short term pleasure more valuable? For example, when deciding whether to take an ecstasy tablet at a club. Taking the pill may give you a lot of short-term pleasure, but in the long term, it may cause more harm than good. Not taking the tablet would involve fewer risks and would avoid potential pain. Even here, you cannot predict the results of your decision, as there is no way of telling the effect the ecstasy has on you until you have tried it. Not only is it hard to tell what will be the consequences in the long run, but it is hard to define the time period of the long run to begin with. A particular problem with Utilitarianism stands out to me that totally immoral acts can be justified if they are seen to benefit the greatest number of people. For example In the early 1800s in South America, slave labour took place because it was seen to produce the most amount of good for the most amount of people. Slavery was an efficient way for Southern farmers to produce goods at a cheap price and these goods brought a lot of pleasure to a great amount of people. On the other hand, the slaves suffered terribly and had to endure vast amounts of pain and torture. Nevertheless the most amount of good was produced and enjoyed by the most amount of people through slavery therefore satisfying the principle of Utility. This example clearly shows how utilitarianism can cause injustice and the denial of human rights. The theory disregards motivation and goodwill, says that the majority is always right and Does not protect the innocent minorities. John Rawls agreed with this weakness. He argued that utilitarianism is too impersonal. In its pursuit of the greater good, it disregards the rights of individuals. He said that Utilitarianism could therefore be used to promote a dictatorship, in which decisions were made to over-ride the interests of the individual in favour of the greater good of society. Despite all the arguments against Utilitarianism, there are some valid points for the theory. It is widely accepted throughout the world as many countries run by means of democracy. Our political leaders are elected through the ballot box, the majority overriding the minority. This however does not automatically mean that they are the most suited people for the job. Utilitarianism also allows people to contemplate the situation before making the decision. This time prevents people from making hasty, unethical decisions, as it encourages thought before action. The aim of the theory is to produce happiness and pleasure. These are two desirable things as Utilitarianism says that pleasure is the sole good and pain is the sole evil, Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters-pleasure and pain. Supporters of the theory would argue that promoting pleasure must be a good thing as most people see pleasure as desirable over pain. They would also say that the intention of Utilitarianism was not to create immorality but to please to maximum number of people possible Surely it is better for a hundred people to be happy than five? Another good aspect of Utilitarianism is that it has one simple absolute, which can be applied to all situations with a positive outcome. In times of difficulty, it eases people out of difficult situations, as they cannot be blamed for making the wrong decision if they claim it was for the happiness of the majority. Any prejudices the decision maker may hold are eradicated in Utilitarianism, as they have to stick to the main rule. There is also some flexibility for emotions in moral decision making according to Rule Utilitarianism. This part of the theory allows respect for the rules that are created to better our society although even these rules do not have to be kept all the time if you are a weak utilitarian which poses problems over what the theory really is. Utilitarianism is a theory that Christians can relate to. Mill brought it closer to the Christian church by introducing Rule Utilitarianism. This would be closer to the principals Jesus lived by. For example, it was against the Jewish law to work on the Sabbath but when people were in need, Jesus bent this rule and healed them. The largest connection Christianity has with Utilitarianism is the death of Jesus. He was crucified and died for the sins of mankind, sacrificing himself for the majority. However, Utilitarianism does accept evil where Christianity most certainly does not.

Post Modern Directors Essay Example for Free

Post Modern Directors Essay Jim Jarmusch, with his striking hairstyle and rock star persona or aura, and Wong Kar-wai, with his martial artist or gangster looks, can be considered post modern directors with high caliber works in the film industry. These post modern directors are impressionistic in their respective work and point of view. They are also able to dream or pursue a higher level of quality in their expositions of time, memory and space. For other critics, they are different and simultaneously â€Å"strange†. Jim Jarmusch and Wong Kar-wai seem tend to have different themes, tone and styles. However, by looking at the analysis of other critics and auteurs in the films created by these post modern directors as well as the interviews on the Jarmusch and Kaw-wai, it can be noted that there are deep correspondences between them. In the press release notes for â€Å"Stranger Than Paradise†, the film that first provided him significant attention, Kim Jarmusch half-mockingly explained his film as â€Å"a semi-neorealist black-comedy in the style of an imaginary Eastern-European film director preoccupied with Ozu, and recognizable with the 1950s American television show ‘The Honeymooners†. In a lot of ways, the statement is distinguishing of Jarmusch, conceivably the most talented and revitalizing of the post modern or American independent directors of the last two decades. The interviews also expose that he has always been captivated with combining culturally very unusual features or materials to create something new which cannot be ordinarily categorized. In addition to this, this goes beyond the boundaries between high and low and offers a new point of view at American and the familiar. Jarmusch successfully does this by incorporating the perspective or point of view of a stranger. This is further done by keeping a sense of humor in and about his craft (Hertzberg, vii). Filmmaking for Jim Jarmusch has never had much to do with how it is traditionally imagined or visualized, either in terms of production or aesthetics. As an alternative, he has taken a road less traveled. Consequently this indeed, has made all the differences. From the time of his first feature-length movie, â€Å"Permanent Vacation†, which he completed while still in film school, to the newly released â€Å"Ghost Dog: The Way of the Samurai†, spectators and interviewers have been inquisitive or interested about the Way, as it were, accountable for the innovative, deadpan quality which sets this film apart. Determinedly, Jarmusch articulates of how he visualizes his films â€Å"from the inside out,† how he begins with an actor in mind, how he represents from the collection of random notes that he is continuously writing down, and how he allows the story and mood of the film develop or advance from that. In addition to this, he is always enthusiastic to acknowledge or recognize his debt to filmmakers and artists in other areas whom he has been influenced by or has borrowed from, just as he never fails to stress the significant responsibility played by the cast and crew in determining and co-creating the films he directs. Every time, he is asked to speculate about the style, themes or philosophy of his films, conversely, Jarmusch’s answers are much more reserved; â€Å"I’m the worst person to analyze (my) stuff and I hate looking back at it†, he told Rosenbaum two years later. Likewise, in a recent conversation with Chris Campion, Jarmusch says of the sense that there is a deeper connection between â€Å"Dead Man† and â€Å"Ghost Dog† that he would rather not attempt to analyze it himself: â€Å"Better to leave that up to someone smarter than myself who can explain it to me sometime†, he says, only half in jest. He insists that he does not remember his earlier films very well, as he has a hard time watching them once he is done with them. And furthermore, he often points out that he is not very fond of sharing his views on his films because he regards other people’s different interpretations of them to be at least valuable as his own and is afraid that his own reflections would only impose (Hertzberg, viii). In his film â€Å"Down by the Law† (1986), Jim Jarmusch refined his humorous and ironic wit by incorporating black and white photography. He also used elegant tracking shots in his film which adds to a unique laconic style. Somehow, the film has a resemblance to Robert Bresson’s â€Å"A Man Escapes† (1956) as well as to other films with themes about prison. This is due to the fact that the story of â€Å"Down by the Law† is drawn from both the life of an ebullient Italian tourist, played by Roberto Benigni, as well as the life of two petty hooligans, played by Tom Waits and John Lurie. However, because of the post modern skills of Jarmusch, he is able to make innovations and come up with a humorous, fresh and unusually moving film. In â€Å"Mystery Train† (1989) and â€Å"Night on Earth† (1991), Jim Jarmusch was highly regarded or commended for the charm and cleverness. Though still, there are some critics or spectators say that these two films are quite similar from his previous works. The criticisms he obtained from these two films show a correspondence to other directors such as David Lynch in his film â€Å"Twin Peaks† (1990), particularly to Wong Kar-wai in his film â€Å"Happy Together†. Wong Kar-wai and Jim Jarmusch in their respective work shows how these two directors risked repetition, as well as self-parody, in order to bring out something (in their point of view) innovative, fresh and revitalizing. Jarmusch’s film â€Å"Dead Man† (1995) can be considered a comeback or response to these criticisms and a strong evidence of how he tried to be innovative and fresh in his perspective. Internationally, this film was acclaimed to be a work of genius. It also deviated from his usual mannered style or hip irony which can be observed in his other films, such as in â€Å"Night on Earth†. Jim Jarmusch successfully uses lyrical depiction of death presented in a bold manner and rendered harsh and brutal. On the other hand, nearly a decade later after his film â€Å"Fallen Angels† was shown in the 1995 Toronto International Film Festival, Wong Kar-Wai’s signature visual pyrotechnics don’t wield quite as much power over spectators as they once did, but this is only to be expected. The best news is that Wong Kar-Wai has matured as a filmmaker, and where sheer visual and aural audacity was once enough to thrill a viewer, these ephemeral techniques have in more recent films like â€Å"Happy Together† and â€Å"In the Mood for Love†, been supplemented by a powerful artistic vision and a new depth of feeling (Tambling, 1) In May 1997, just before Hong Kong passed from British colonial rule to the People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong director Wong Kai-wai released the film â€Å"Happy Together:. Wong Kar-wai was born in Shanghai in 1958 but he was brought up in Hongkong and began film-making (if a beginning can be located at this point without being arbitrary about his previous work on films) with â€Å"As Tears Go By† (1988). This was a fast-paced gangland movie set in Kowloon which is frequently compared in plot with Martin Scorsese’s â€Å"Mean Streets† (1973). It portrayed a gangster (played by Andy Lau), caught between the demands of his partner, Fly (played by Jacky Cheung), and his girlfriend (Maggie Cheung). As such, it can be seen as remaking a Hollywood formula, where the focus is on a male character proving his masculinity (Tambling, 1). Often compared with the young Jean-Luc Godard, Wong Kar-wai is celebrated as one of he leading auteurs of new wave Asian cinema. â€Å"Wong may be said to have brought the Hong Kong new wave into the 90s†, wrote Stephen Teo, â€Å"by combining post-modern themes with new wave stylistics† (2008). In â€Å"Chungking Express† (1994), California Dreamin by the Mamas and Papas functions not just as a replacement for dialogue but as the core message of the film. â€Å"In Chungking Express,† writes Larry Gross, Calfornia Dreamin is played some nine or ten times almost in its entirety. But only towards the end do you grasp that dancing casually to that song and letting its lyric play across your mind is almost literally what the movie is about. His world is very much the world with a soundtrack, where objects, perishable but still emotionally resonant, flit in and out of our hands and minds (Lannin and Caley, 173). In Stephen Teo’s analysis on Wong Kar-wai, it can be noted that his work is magisterial and is highly persuading in terms of the proofs and supports for his arguments towards Wong Kar-wai’s work. There is also a remarkable scope and depth in his analysis where comprehensive surveys of Chinese commentary are provided. Stephen Teo, being a genre analyst, particularly on Hong Kong cinema, carefully shows a thorough study of the works of Wong Kar-wai. Aside from Stephen Teo, though this may scandalize some, other spectators admit immediately that they don’t care for most Hong Kong cinema, especially that of the martial arts which sometimes seems to be most of it. Spectators however, acknowledge its worldwide success and appreciate its unbounded energy. Others understand the arguments made by David Bordwell and others for the wonderful balletic kinesthesia and the fecund and often extremely clever recycling of generic motifs from pop culture that can be found in Hong Kong cinema. Spectators and critics respect the tremendous influence that Hong Kong genre films have had on Wong’s filmmaking. Some believes that his greatest triumphs have come when he has transcended generic conventions (Brunette, xviii). In the absence of an outer voice, the song articulates the obsession with the time common to all characters in a Wong Kar-wai film. A telling scene in â€Å"Fallen Angels† shows one of the main characters shooting video of his father. They have little verbal communication despite living in the same small hotel room (the son is mute and the father rarely talks since the death of his wife). The son’s persistence with his video camera becomes so unbearable that his father shuts him out of their room. Later, he is filmed asleep. In private moments, he watches these videos with pleasure and after his death, his son watches one sequence over and over, relishing the pleasure of a rare smile from his father. The task of electronic media in memory, when one-to-one communication is complicated or hard, is a theme that persists or happen again throughout Wong Kar-wai’s films. When Kar-wai’s characters are mute, speechless, or emotionally withdrawn, songs animate their silence. â€Å"Fallen Angels† (1995) starts with a long sequence in which voices are heard only as peripheral chatter or voiceover. Preceding the main titles is a scene shot in black and white (similar to Jarmusch’s use of black and white photography). The hit man, Wong Chi-Ming, which is played by Leon Lai, and his agent, played by Michele Reis, are discussing their professional and personal relationship. Their particular conversation, can be classified as neorotic, internalized, and literally colorless fragment that is swept aside by a tour de force of camerawork, set design, sound and conceptualization, sustained without dialogue or exposition for nearly ten minutes (Lannin and Caley, 173). The difference in style, theme and tone subsequently results to a similarity in the determination of presenting new and deviant works from their previous masterpieces in the film industry makes Jim Jarmusch and Wong Kar-wai stand out to be post modern directors acclaimed by critics and spectators worldwide.

Graphene: Development and Applications

Graphene: Development and Applications Number of carbon atoms packed in a two-dimensional (2D) grid cells as flat single layer give the graphene. This is a key building block for graphitic materials of all sizes. It can be enclosed in fullerenes (0D), rolled into 1D nanotubes or stacked into three dimensional graphite. A serious step forward in the study of graphene was when Andre Geim and Kostya Novoselov from Manchester extracted Singlet thick crystallites (graphene) from crude graphite in 2004. The unique electronic properties of graphene produce an unexpectedly high opacity for one atomic monolayer, with amazingly simple value : it absorbs ~ 2.3 % of white light . This is a consequence of the unusually low energy electronic structure of monolayer graphene saws which electrons and holes tapered zone which meet each other at the point Dirac which is qualitatively different from the more common solid square zones. In 2008 carried out the first experiment proves that graphene is the strongest material that exists in nature. The measurements showed that graphene has a tensile strength of 100 times greater than steel. Graphene is different from most conventional 3D materials. The natural Graphene presents a semimetal or zero-gap semiconductor. Been a long time since we talked through the Medgreece in graphene and its unique properties. Graphene is a material which was discovered relatively recently, and its main feature is that it is a graphite sheet consisting of a lattice of carbon atoms linked together as shown in the photo of the article ( we could characterize as a wire ) which has a thickness of a single atom . So far it has been described as the ideal replacement for silicon , and has a very low resistance and higher conductivity which can lead to the creation of faster chips for computers . And all at room temperature . Where else could however be used graphene ? From the University of California , and Alexander Balandin (Chair of Materials Science and Engineering), investigated the possibility of using graphene sheets as heat conductors . The researchers call these cards quilts ( like a quilt ) and that is because the graphene sheets are not homogeneous but consist of flakes graphene , which overlap creating a spreadsheet. Only unlike the quilt ( we all know ) the quilt of graphene flakes will not retain heat, but will remove it . The graphene sheets can be used to extract heat from parts of a circuit which, due to the high speed flow of electrons ( current) particularly heated , which leads to impaired function of the circuit. Helping the diffusion of that heat , graphene will help create sdti much faster chip . Graphene based on measurements made à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¹Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¹by the researchers shows remarkably high thermal conductivity that surpasses even that of diamond and carbon nanotubes. The properties of graphene , (electrical conductivity , low resistance , high thermal conductivity ) find no scope only chip electronic circuits. As we mentioned previously this technology could even be used to improve the photovoltaic , since one of the main problems (in terms of performance ) is the high resistance of the conductor carrying the current. Graphene thanks to its properties , could significantly increase their performance Chapter 1: Carbon Nanostructures 1.1 A new class of materials The two-dimensional (2D) crystalline materials have only recently been identified and investigated. [1] The first material that falls into this category, is graphene, a singlet carbon layer. This new material has unique properties that make it extremely interesting both as basic knowledge, as well as for future applications. The electronic properties of graphene, for example, have resulted in an unusual quantum Hall [2], [3]. It is a transparent conductor [4] with a thickness equal to the extent of zp orbital of an atom of carbon (0,344 nm). It also has parallels with the physics of elementary particles which for example displays an unusual tunneling [5], [6], which was predicted by the Swedish Natural Oscar Klein [7]. Additionally, graphene exhibits excellent mechanical and electrical properties. Its mechanical strength is greater than steel while it can be bent. The thermal and electrical conductivity is very high and can be used as a flexible conduit. The Andre K. Geim and Kostant in S. Novoselov from the University of Manchester, were awarded the 2010 Nobel Prize for the production, isolation and identification of graphene [1]. 1.2 Forms of carbon Carbon is perhaps the most exciting element of the periodic table. It is the basis of DNA and life on earth. O coal occurs in different forms. The most common form of carbon, graphite, which consists of stacked sheet carbonates hexagonal structure. At high pressures, the diamond is created, which is a metastable form of carbon. A relatively new form of molecular carbon, are the Fullerenes (Fullerenes) [8]. The most ordinary fullerene consists of 60 carbon atoms (60 C) and has the shape of a football. It is consisting of 20 hexagons and 12 pentagons which enable the surface to form a ball. The discovery of fullerenes was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1996. The existence of a pseudo-one-dimensional form of carbon, carbon nanotubes, has been known for many decades and the existence of single-wall carbon nanotubes in 1993 [9]. The nanotubes are formed by winding of a graphene sheet so as to acquire a cylindrical shape with hemispherical ends with a configuration similar to that of the fullerene. The electronic and mechanical properties of metallic nanotubes, show many similarities with those of graphene. It was already known that the toner is composed of hexagonal carbon levels which are stacked on top of one another but scientists believed that such a singlet carbonate sheet could not be produced. In 2004, however, scientists A. Geim, K. Novoselov and colleagues [1] showed that such an individual could be isolated and was stable. The singlet this level carbon called graphene. Figure 1.1. The graphene sheets form the native structure of the graphite, carbon nanotubes and fullerenes [11]. It should be noted that structures similar to graphene has been known since the 1960s [10] but there were experimental difficulties in isolating them and raises doubts about whether this would be possible. The amazing thing is that a simple pencil contains graphite and as it moves the paper, toner levels separated in a very small part of which contains some of singlet layers of graphite, ie graphene. The difficulty is not the production of graphene structures but rather to isolate large quantities of singlet levels for the identification, characterization and study its properties. This just managed to make the Geim and Novoselov. 1.3 Graphene Graphene is called a singlet level of carbon atoms arranged in a hexagonal lattice, with nearest neighbor distance of atoms 0.142 nm. It is the first truly two-dimensional crystalline material and is representative of a whole class of two-dimensional materials which includes for example Psychosocial Critical Evaluation: Case Study of Rory Psychosocial Critical Evaluation: Case Study of Rory Psychosocial Critical Evaluation: Case Study of Rory Introduction Psychosocial theory originates from psychoanalytic and psychodynamic casework, which has had a profound and lasting impact on social work (Kenny and Kenny, 2000). This assignment will use the case study of Rory, a fifteen year old boy living in a family home with his brother, mother and stepmother. Throughout the assignment Rory’s social environment and his relationships within this environment will be analysed in order to understand how these factors have shaped his development. Following on from this an evaluation of group work as an intervention method to support and empower Rory shall be explored. Group work will be taken as evidence for practice, where social work practice is carried out in groups (Doel, 2000, p.148). Psychosocial theories will be explored into how they influence group work and group dynamics, and the way group work can be used to change and adjust dysfunctional social environments. In doing so, the model of psychosocial theory and its relevance to social work will be explored, and how useful it is in understanding clients and promoting their best interests. In order to critique the model of psychosocial theory, and explore how it influences our perception of the human condition, we must have a clear idea of what we mean by the term. Modern social work theorists have stressed the importance of applying the correct competency to the individual person, with regard to their social environment (Hutchinson, 2008). It sees people as ‘products of the interaction among their biogenetic endowment, the effects of significant relationships, the impact of life experiences, and their participation in societal, cultural and current events’ (Turner, 1978, p.2). The social work profession, can see the individual person as interdependent with their environment, which they are able to influence and change (Kondrat, 2002). By seeing individuals as being uniquely shaped by their environment, it helps social workers avoid the issues of social identity theory. Rather than categorising or stereotyping people, social workers are able to empathise a nd see all service users as individuals (Tajfel and Turner, 1979, cited in Gaine, 2010). The main ideas of psychosocial theory are reflected in other social work theories and methods, such as systems and attachment theory. Both theories developed from the need to build upon the traditional psychoanalytic model of individual therapy (Walker, 2012), and the idea that individual experiences with families were continually being shaped and influenced by the evolving interaction patterns of communication. For group work to be beneficial there must be a mindfulness of the social context or sociology of the individual and group. Understanding individuals who compromise the group requires knowledge of ‘psychosocial functioning and development through the life cycle’ but also the impact of the group’s structure and process on the members’ behaviour. A group cannot be understood without knowledge of members in their individual social context (Northern and Kurland, 2001, p.35). This promotes and encourages diversity within the group, as practitioners are mindful of differences within the group, and how they can be addressed to promote social skills such as empathy and respect. If a client’s environment and social context has been dysfunctional, as in Rory’s case, the group work can provide a model of a healthy culture through the group values, communication patterns, and the way it addresses interpersonal conflict (Northern and Kurland, 2001). Having explored the connection between group work and psychosocial theory, two theories of social work shall be applied and explored next. Attachment theory focuses on the quality of the attachments in the significant relationships in a client’s past (Bowlby, 1979, 1988). Bowlby’s theory of attachment stresses the importance of past relationships by determining which will develop emotionally and socially, and form relationships in the future. Bowlby was particularly concerned with the interactions and attachments that individuals had with their parents or carers. The ability of a child to attach to a parent or carer, the level of consistency of the parent or carer to meet the emotional needs of a child and the ability of the child to feel safe and secure, predicted how the child would develop emotionally. This theory has particular relevance and importance for this case study. The relationship between Rory and his mother can be recognised as a disorganised attachment. H is mother’s bi-polar disorder means her behaviour is inconsistent at times, due to her having stable periods but when her mood is very bleak she neglects the needs of Rory and his brother. From this behaviour Rory receives mixed messages, leaving him feeling anxious and unable to explain and possibly understand his own feelings (Bowlby, 1988). His father appears to display as insecure or ambivalent attachment, this is due to him demonstrating an inconsistency in his attitude to Rory, neglecting contact for several weeks at a time. His unpredictable behaviour and failure to display attention in a consistent way leads to anxiety and distress for Rory. Attachment theory is helpful to social workers in planning intervention, as they have insight into how past experiences of the service user can impact on their behaviour, and their ability to form relationships. For example, at the Youth Club Rory is seen as increasingly withdrawn and erratic by the youth workers. This may be due to his disorganised attachments impacting upon his ability to behave in social situations. Preston-Shoot and Agass (1990) explains that the development and quality of relationships can be influenced by considering the impact of the client’s feelings on behaviours. Group work can be a powerful tool when based on attachment theory issues. Egeland and Erikson (1993) and Eriskon et al., (1992) described a group in which young, high-risk mothers were brought together for weekly group sessions from the time their children were born until they were one year old. Group work was effective here for two reasons. Firstly, through the therapeutic relationship itself, or the relationship with the group facilitator, in which ‘the facilitator maintains a healthy, supportive alliance with the parent, proving such relationships are possible’ (Erikson et al., 1992, p.501). When using any intervention, it is important to create a working alliance, in which the patient has confidence that the practitioner can help (Holmes, 2001). Due to Rory having all his immediate adult relationships in his life being inconsistent and causing him anxiety, having another which proves to be consistent in his life, one that is dependable, may improve his self-esteem an d address problems he is exhibiting in social situations, such as at the Youth Club. The reason he may be attending the Youth Club could be due to him searching for that consistency and dependable person he needs, as the Youth Club is a weekly activity which is always there. The ‘therapeutic’ relationship gives Rory a ‘secure base’ (Holmes, 2001, p.17) where the task can challenge assumptions and relationship patterns. Group work would also introduce Rory to a plethora of perspectives and individuals. Through this, Rory may become conscious of thoughts and attitudes that were previously unconscious (Holmes, 2001). In listening to and working with others Rory may build up his self-esteem. As he begins to form relationships with members of the group, he has models of healthy and functional relationships that are different from his own attachments with family members. This could increase his confidence, addressing problems of withdrawn and erratic behaviour that have been raised by Youth Workers at Youth Club. A number of studies have shown group work can improve social skills (Reid and Hammond, 2001; Fargan and Jones, 2002). Group work also promotes diversity as those it helps do not feel isolated or alienated by their problems: through sharing experiences in a respectful and tolerant environment they gain insight into the sufferings and challenges of others, and methods to overcome this. Groupwork a s a form of learning extends beyond this, as groups offer members feedback that is often more effective coming from peers than from a social worker (Northern and Kurland, 2001). When done sensitively and constructively, such feedback helps clients such as Rory with their social skills and their ability to build relationships outside of the group. A weakness of this theory, however, may that does it is not sufficiently encompassing of all the social forces that act on the individual. Psychosocial theory holds that we should acknowledge the role in human development of temperament, racism, poverty, social class, and other environmental conditions (criticism outlined in Coady and Lehman, 2007). Group dynamics and interactions cannot be understood through individual’s relationships with their parents alone. Psychosocial theory assists social workers in understanding and analysing the situations and behaviours of their client. This provides practitioners with insight into what has occurred in the past or what may occur in the future. However, some argue that attachment theory does not paint a picture of the client whole: by attributing all of Rory’s behaviours and concerns to his parents, the practitioner may neglect the wider social context that is acting on him. Systems theory may offer a more encompassing picture of Rory’s social context. This theory holds that individuals and their environments are separate systems that are interconnected and interdependent (Teater, 2010). By thinking of families as living systems, systems theories are able to think about how dynamics are constantly altering as each family member deals with life inside and outside the family. Rory’s withdrawn behaviour, and self-destructive thoughts can be attributed to the frequency with which his family dynamics change. This change is at times dramatic for example the breakdown of his parent’s relationship, or his sister leaving the family home- but also in the inconsistencies due to his stepfather’s temper and mother’s mental illness. Systems theory also promotes tolerance and diversity, as it recognises that there is no one model for a healthy, functioning family (Walker, 2012). A change or movement in one of these systems results in change or movement in the others. In Rory’s case, social systems theory is useful as it allows social workers to identify which system requires an intervention (Teater, 2010). The key question is ‘does this structure work for this family’ and does it allow for the healthy development and growth of family members? As such, the Munro Report confirms that a systems perspective offers the most holistic tool for undertaking informed assessment work that takes into full account the wide environmental factors combined with the inter-personal relationship patterns that influence family experiences (cited in Walker, 2012). Furthermore, a family’s structure and organisation allows social workers to determine, to some extent what is possible within a particular family. Thinking of families systematically also ensures no family member is marginalised (Walker, 2012). One-to-one intervention with Rory will have an i mpact on the whole family system; his mother, brother and stepfather will be affected, and also the family dynamic as a whole. As such, group work is an effective method of intervention according to social systems theory. This is because it avoids the risk that the family’s problems and their solutions are individualised. By placing Rory in a different group dynamic, one that has been constructed by a facilitator or practitioner, social workers may be able to assess which elements of the family’s structure need intervention, and where Rory and the family need extra support. By assessing Rory’s patterns of communication and interaction outside his family dynamic, practitioners may gain greater insight into his specific needs and methods that can be used to support and empower him. Groupwork for families links closely to the family therapy movement (pioneered by figures such as Murray Bowen, Jay Haley, and Virginia Satir). The family therapy movement advocates systemic features as a means by which to assess the way groups of relatives organise themselves over time, creating stable patterns, that are inclined to return to familiar states. As such, one of the beliefs is that systems tend to be self-correcting, based on positive or negative feedback (Coady and Lehmen, 2007). By using groupwork intervention with Rory, he may feel empowered and supported to address and correct the patterns and familiar states of his family, rather than simply removing himself from situations. Furthermore, the counsellor or practitioner can address the dysfunctional and destructive subsystems that exist within Rory’s family. A concern surrounding this theory of social work, however, is the emphasis social systems theory places on adaptation. The purpose of the group work intervention is to explore how systems can be adjusted and change to create a healthy and supportive structure. As such, some fear that practitioners are encouraging clients to accommodate to oppressive circumstances (Coady and Lehmen, 2007). From this perspective, Rory may be being taught to accept and adapt to the hostile and threatening behaviour of his stepfather, or the neglect he sometimes faces from his mother. This can be addressed by being mindful of social work’s traditional concern with social justice- an integration of values such as social justice and social systems based thinking is possible. To do this, practitioners must be self-reflective and question their own values and assumptions, particularly in terms of prejudice and diversity, in order to ensure that the client’s best interests are at the heart of gr oup work intervention. An awareness of social circumstance is also important in tackling diversity with regard to mental health. Parental mental health, and the disruption to parenting capacity has been found to have profound and persistent implications for children and their parents (Smith, 2004). As such, it has been advocated that social workers have improved access to training that assists with psychosocial interventions, such as group work (National Institute for Mental Health in England, 2005). This helps us to understand the quality of attachment between Rory and his mother. Rory himself is displaying behaviours that may point to mental health, particularly disclosing suicidal thoughts. Research shows that social work plays a significant role of social work in promoting the involvement of people using services and developing systemic approaches to practice with families (Gilbert, 2007). Diversity is important here- social workers must address societal stigmas regarding mental health. Effective inter vention can also promote diversity by helping those with mental health to function and become involved in society. A psychosocial approach helps us to understand Rory’s patterns of communication and behaviour, as it gives us insight into the formative relationships, experiences and environments that have categorised his life thus far. This puts troubling behaviours, such as self-destructive and suicidal thoughts, within a social context that can be used as the basis for assessment and intervention. Our chosen intervention method, group work, is also revealing about how Rory can be supported and empowered. By modelling healthy and secure relationships, and developing Rory’s social skills, Rory’s future relationships do not have to be influenced solely by dysfunctional attachments with his parents and stepfather. By understanding his family as a system, and observing Rory but within that system and in other groups, insight is gained into how Rory’s social context can be adapted in order to promote the healthy growth of all its members.